The following is response to beyondsecularism’s question. Because the question is juicy but not that coherent, I thought to dedicate a blog post in order to address dilemmas within anarchism. The is question is posed under the comment section of Anarchists Advocate for a Collective Society Not a Power Vacuum, and it revolves around ethics, force and action. Here it goes.
In ‘The religion of green anarchy’, the author continually refers to their ideas of what “green anarchism” is about without referring to where exactly these ideas are stated. There is not a single quote from a green anarchist journal or book in the essay, nor is there any reference to what texts the author has or has not read dealing with green anarchy. If the author’s idea of green anarchy is based on conversations with individuals at land defense camps, it would be good to say so – in this case the critique becomes more about “how some people interpret green anarchy” then about green anarchy in its totality. This essay takes a large and complex tangle of ideas that have been evolving since at least the 80’s1, and simplifies them into a caricature (‘the morality of pure wilderness’) that neglects most of the theory that makes green anarchist thought and its associated currents worth reading in the first place. I would also suspect that this may be why Green and Black review did not respond to the essay.
The New Yorker By Daniel Penny, August 22, 2017
On October 4, 1936, tens of thousands of Zionists, Socialists, Irish dockworkers, Communists, anarchists, and various outraged residents of London’s East End gathered to prevent Oswald Mosley and his British Union of Fascists from marching through their neighborhood. This clash would eventually be known as the Battle of Cable Street: protesters formed a blockade and beat back some three thousand Fascist Black Shirts and six thousand police officers. To stop the march, the protesters exploded homemade bombs, threw marbles at the feet of police horses, and turned over a burning lorry. They rained down a fusillade of projectiles on the marchers and the police attempting to protect them: rocks, brickbats, shaken-up lemonade bottles, and the contents of chamber pots. Mosley and his men were forced to retreat.
And How to Organize Your Own
It’s that time of year again, when students head back to school. With the government lurching towards tyranny and fascists killing people on the streets, it has never been more pressing to organize on campuses to promote self-determination and collective defense against oppression. This is especially pressing because from Berkeley to Charlottesville, the far-right has set their sites on campuses as a place to recruit future stormtroopers and suppress critiques of authoritarian power. If you are a student yourself, now is the time to lay your plans—whether that means founding a formal student group, coordinating an informal network, or at least preparing to distribute literature. To do our part, we will be publishing a series of articles exploring different examples of student organizing. In this account, a veteran student organizer relates the story of how an anarchist student organization got off the ground and everything you need to know to do it yourself, from filling out paperwork to organizing a Radical Rush.
From Washington Post by Perry Stein August 10
By day, they are graphic designers, legal assistants, nonprofit workers and students. But outside their 9-to-5 jobs, they call themselves anarchists — bucking the system, shunning the government and sometimes even rioting and smashing windows to make a point.
I’ve been around the tendency for some time now and have dedicated a lot of my time to it so I have seen a fair share of the moral outrage surrounding eco-extremism. And the orchestrated stinkpieces from anarcho-collectives are as old as eco-extremism itself. The collective letting of outrage over transgressions of such sanctified matters as the attacks on the “innocent,” the depravity of violence, the rejection of the glorious revolution, solidarity with the elect classes of the oppressed, blah fucking blah. The editor of Atassa, normally reserved to their work as a memelord and theoretician of matters more dignified than the screeching of anarchists, recently went so far as to put out a piece addressing some of the more frequent and inane questions that have come up surrounding the activities of ITS and eco-extremism as of late, it can be found here. Maldición Eco-extremista was also gracious enough to offer further clarification here.
From NY Daily News by Jay Maeder (republished online 8/14/2017, originally June 12, 1998)
The thing about Carlo Tresca was that he looked exactly like what a crazy bomb-throwing radical foreigner was supposed to look like: wild-bearded, wild-eyed, always passionately shaking his fist and thundering away about the oppressed workers. Actually, he was quite a genial fellow, unfailingly polite to the cops who started visiting him regularly in the wake of the 1920 Wall St. explosion. "They are nice boys," he told reporters. "Whenever there is a bomb, they come to me. They ask me what I know, but I never know anything. So we have wine."
From C4SS by Logan Marie Glitterbomb (7/31/2017)
Nearly everyone from across the political spectrum can agree that our current public education system in america is not ideal. Those on the statist left tend to fear that public education is under attack by private corporations and is completely underfunded. More progressive leftists go so far as to not only advocate for more funding for public grade school education but also higher education such as college, university, or graduate school. Those on the statist right however tend to believe in various corporatist versions of the school choice argument, most notably advocating the failed corporate charter school scheme usually partnered with a voucher system.
(This is a response to the "Socialist Ends, Market Means" zine of essays by Gary Chartier.)
Markets are not my end goal. My end goal is anarchism which will always look like something just beyond the horizon of my knowledge. Markets unleash the creative complexity that make the dynamic testing of a wide range of liberatory strategies more meaningfully possible. This very same complexity makes it harder for authoritarians to squash resistance or take root themselves.