photo from day 6, sofa on top of police truck

From Anarchist Perspective
January 3, 2026

Report from Day 6

Six days have passed since the beginning of this wave of protests, and today, January 3, 2026, the intensity and scope of the clashes in several cities showed that the regime, with all its means of repression, direct shooting from rooftops and alleys, widespread tear gas, special unit motorbikes, paintballs to the face and vital organs, blockades of areas, and internet shutdowns, has not been able to clear the streets. Gatherings continued in Tehran, Karaj, Shiraz, Mashhad, Tabriz, Qom, Hamedan, Kermanshah, Ilam, Shahrekord, Yazd, Qazvin, Arak, Bushehr, Babol, Anzali, Khorramabad, Aligudarz, Ramhormoz, and dozens of smaller cities. Protesters built barricades, seized security forces motorbikes, burned regime propaganda banners, stormed police stations and bases, and in places such as Tehran-Pars, Tabriz, Isfahan, and Qom, pushed back or forced the forces of repression to flee. The crowd in many neighborhoods grew by the minute, drivers honked their horns in support, and even in Kerman, coinciding with Soleimani's anniversary, every banner that was put up immediately caught fire.

In Tehran, the main locations were Naziabad, Haft-e-Houdh, Tehranpars (Falke Soum and Rahbar Square), Khak Sefid, Narmak, Sattarkhan, Sadeghieh, Aryashar, Shahr-e-Quds, Parand, and Islamshahr; barricades, street-by-street clashes, temporary street control, and cases of abduction of women by plainclothes men were reported. Karaj (Gohar Dasht and Rastakhiz Boulevard) witnessed a steady increase in the population and street blockades. Shiraz and Marvdasht came under heavy fire: direct shots from the roof of Police Station 11 and Sepah Bank, killing at least three people (Vahid Mokhtari, Shirvani, and Erfan Bozorgy), and an attack on Maaliabad Police Station. Mashhad (Rahnamei and the vicinity of Zein al-Din) and Tabriz (Shehnaz) saw forces retreat; Qom was marked by street-by-street shooting, killing at least one person, and the burning of security vehicles. Hamedan, Kermanshah and Ilam had tense nights with live shooting and reports of more intense clashes, including some protesters being armed in Ilam. Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari (Shahr-e-Kord, Farsan, Hafeshjan, Lordegan, Sureshjan) was one of the hotbeds of activity: the streets were filled, Farsan’s telecommunications were destroyed and close combat occurred. Other peripheral cities such as Bahmai, Abdanan, Azna and Borazjan also had large gatherings, roadblocks and anti-government slogans. The mass resignation of Fars lawyers and the early closure of public transport terminals in Tehran were signs of the regime’s attempt to contain the situation, and in Zahedan, protesters set fire to a car belonging to IRGC mercenaries, and during popular protests in Qom, a young man was killed by a projectile fired by the regime’s repressive agents, and the regime is trying to distort this news.

This wave of protests has several key features that have made the regime’s position extremely fragile. First, it is completely decentralized: there is no clear leadership or organizational structure; calls come from informal networks and word of mouth, decision-making is done on the street, and this dispersion has prevented the regime from being able to paralyze the movement by targeted arrests or cutting off a communication channel. Even a widespread internet shutdown has failed; people have found alternative routes, and rallies have spread without central coordination.

Second, the unprecedented geographical spread to small, peripheral cities (from Sureshjan and Lordegan to Bahmai and Abdanan) indicates the deep penetration of discontent into the lower strata of society. This dispersion has divided the regime’s resources for repression and deprived it of the ability to respond to all points simultaneously; the regime has been forced to spread its forces between large centers and outlying cities, leading to weakness on every front.

Third, a change in field tactics: The actions are no longer purely defensive; the seizure of special forces motorbikes in Ramhormoz, the direct assault on police stations in Shiraz and Qom, the burning of the Basij base in Mashhad, the destruction of telecommunications in Farsan, and the barricading in Tehran-Pars are all offensive and have led to actual retreats in several places. These tactics, along with symbols such as the burning of Soleimani banners in Kerman or the twirling of the mullah’s turban in Qom, not only demonstrate the accumulated anger, but also directly target the legitimacy of the regime.

The regime has resorted to maximum violence (direct shots to the face and vital organs, numerous deaths and injuries), but this strategy has backfired: each death (as reported in Qom, Shiraz, and Marvdasht) has multiplied anger and brought the population to the streets, rather than creating fear. Signs of internal collapse have also emerged: the mass resignation of Fars lawyers, the early closure of terminals, and reports of lack of cooperation from some sectors.

Structurally, the regime is in its worst state in years. The completely collapsed economy (hyperinflation, massive unemployment, and a plummeting currency) has fueled discontent to explosive levels. At the same time, it is burdened with heavy regional commitments (Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen) and is unable to concentrate all of its forces domestically. External pressures, including new threats from the US administration, have further limited financial and logistical resources. This combination has allowed six days of protests to continue without a major retreat and has revealed real signs of collapse (defection of forces, inability to hold key centers of repression, continued annexation of new cities, and increasing intensity of fighting).

The protests show no signs of abating; on the contrary, each repressive measure has fueled further expansion and taken the initiative away from the regime. The streets remain the main arena, and the situation shows that the regime is gradually losing control.

Events are changing and unfolding moment by moment.

Since 7 p.m., popular rallies and protests have been taking place on the streets of Iran.

--------

Report from Day 5

The streets were filled with a strong and widespread energy today, an energy that has been building up since the previous days and has now reached its peak. What began as a strike by merchants in the markets has now become a nationwide movement that has engulfed cities large and small. People from different strata of society (workers, students, merchants, ordinary men and women) have come to the streets, not just to protest the collapse of the currency or the rising inflation, but to reject an entire system that has crushed life under the pressure of economic and police control. This movement is proceeding without any vertical structure; small groups in neighborhoods make decisions, direct solidarity is formed, and although some figures and groups with platforms and capital are trying to direct and seize the actions. In Tehran, the Grand Bazaar remained half-closed and its surroundings were filled with people forming human chains and resisting tear gas. In Qom, which has always been an ideological center, people directly attacked security forces, threw stones, and there are even reports of some forces being disarmed, showing how deep the anger is and how it has broken traditional boundaries.

In cities like Kohdasht, Lordegan, and Azna in Lorestan, the clashes were more intense. People pushed back the forces of repression by throwing objects and forming barricades. Live gunfire could be heard, but instead of dispersing, the crowd regrouped and resisted. In Azna, the city’s main police station was set on fire, the repressors’ cars were burned, and the building was occupied; a moment that marked the transition from simple protest to direct control of the space by the people. In Lordegan, direct gunfire resulted in the deaths of young people, but this violence only fueled the fire of resistance. People carried the wounded, covered each other, and reclaimed space. This dynamic shows the weakness of the machine of repression; when the will comes from below and is rooted in real needs, even modern tools cannot completely extinguish it. In fact, each attack further exposes the cracks in the system and makes people think about organizing alternatives. In Marvdasht and Kavar in Fars province, there was a large street presence. The surging crowds forced the counter-riot forces to flee, holding the streets, and the clashes continued into the night. These scenes show that when a horizontal movement spreads, even well-equipped forces cannot maintain control. In Shahabad (West Islamabad) in Kermanshah, the gatherings turned into direct clashes; people, with local solidarity, controlled the space and pushed back the repression. In Ilam, young people tore down ideological banners, symbolizing a direct rejection of cultural control, an act rooted in the anger accumulated over years of oppression. Students also played a key role; dormitory gatherings took place to protest the arrests and summons of students, and young people joined the movement with simple but direct actions. The regime attacked several dormitories in Tehran and arrested a number of protesting students. In Rasht, the protests began in Moallem Square and quickly spread, details that show that the movement is not only economic, but also rooted in deeper contradictions: a system that keeps resources in the hands of a few, destroys nature for profit, and restricts freedom with ideological and police laws. People are now directly targeting these structures, without being swayed by promises of reform from above.

The repression was systematic and widespread: tear gas filled the sky, live ammunition took lives, and riot police rushed into the crowd. Several people (both protesters and security forces) were reportedly killed, but the violence only intensified the resistance. In Lorestan, people even brought in tractors to throw stones to defend themselves, demonstrating creativity in organizing from below. This moment is a profound opportunity to rebuild society from the ground up. The economic crisis, with its 40-plus percent inflation, massive unemployment, and the plundering of resources, was just the spark; the real fire comes from a hybrid system that combines capitalism with ideological control and turns people into tools. People now see that no amount of reform or new leadership can resolve these contradictions. Instead, horizontal movement can be the basis for a different society: local councils with direct decision-making, production and distribution based on collective need rather than profit, and solidarity without ethnic or gender boundaries. For example, in neighborhoods, people have begun to share resources or build support networks, which are small examples of the possibility of a life without domination.

But this process needs to go deeper: linking factories to strikes, expanding underground networks to circumvent control, and focusing on cross-education for collective decision-making.

The challenges are real, of course. The system is using all its tools: promises of dialogue to appease, using proxy groups to suppress, creating divisions by highlighting ethnic or religious differences, or even foreign interference to divert the movement. There is also the risk of expropriation by old groups or new leaderships seeking to re-concentrate power. To overcome these, the horizontal structure must be deepened: creating direct connections between cities, focusing on local needs such as food and security, and firmly rejecting any form of hierarchy. If we maintain this energy and focus on practical details (such as organizing rotating strikes or secure information networks), we can move from a fleeting protest to a lasting change. This uprising is not just a reaction, but a sign of the possibility of a world without domination.

The streets today showed that when people take action themselves, no system can last forever. Continuing on this path requires patience and depth, but its potential is real and imminent.

Several people have been reported killed so far (mostly by direct fire from security forces).
Names circulated and confirmed:
Dariush Ansari Bakhtiarvand (Fouladshahr, Isfahan, January 10).
Amir Hossam Khodayarifard (Kuhdasht, Lorestan, January 10; initially identified as a Basij force member, but investigations show he was a protester).
Khodadad Shirvani (from Marvdasht, January 11)
. Ahmad Jalil (Lordegan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, January 11).
Sajjad Valamanesh or Zeilaei (Lordegan, January 11; reports of forced confessions from family).

There are also reports of the killing of Wahab Qaidi (Azna Lorestan) and Abuzar (Shayan) Asadollahi (Azna), but this has not been fully confirmed.

Arrests are scattered and dozens have been reported, but the full list has not been published.
Some names have been released:
Razieh Khajeh (Yasuj, January 1, beaten).
Ali Najafi (Kermanshah).
Six women in Tehran: Helena Rostami, Fatemeh Hashempour, Elnaz Kari, Aida (surname unknown), Masoumeh Nouri, Negar Ghanbari.
At least 27 people in Kohdasht and Kermanshah
Reports of arrests of students and retired teachers (at least 3 teachers).

Comments

anonymous (not verified) Sun, 01/04/2026 - 09:27

https://www.anarshism.com/fa/iran-protest-7th-day-report/
January 4, 2026

This uprising, now in its seventh day, is not just an economic protest, but a practical rebellion against the entire logic of state power. People have disrupted control of the streets, destroyed symbols of repression, and stood up to bullets. This is precisely anarchy in action: the paralyzing of the state machine from below, without the need for an immediate replacement with new power.

The regime responded with direct fire, raids on hospitals, and mass arrests, but this repression not only failed but also deepened internal divisions: troops retreated in numerous places, officers were captured, and the people successfully resisted in defense of the wounded. Dispersed and floating tactics (neighborhood barricades, burning cars, smashing cameras, and blocking dispatch routes) shifted power from the center to the periphery and created a space for real self-management: mass blood donations, defense of hospitals, and direct dissemination of information without intermediaries.

Izeh (Khuzestan): The killing of Ismail Qoreshundi and the scene of his mother mourning over his body. This is not only an individual tragedy, but also the transformation of mourning into collective action. In horizontal structures, such moments transform private anger into sustainable fuel for resistance, leading directly to the spread of conflict in marginal areas without the need for leadership.

Narmak (Tehran): A young protester who chanted "Death to the dictator" even after being arrested. This act makes the boundaries of control meaningless: repression is not the end, but the continuation of resistance under conditions of captivity. Such cases set a model for others and show that fear of arrest or death is no longer a deterrent, but has become part of the cycle of direct action.

Saghar Etemad, a protester in the city of Farsan, died in a coma in hospital after being shot in the head by Islamic Republic suppressors.

These cases, combined with the urgent need for blood in Ilam and resistance to the abduction of bodies, have strengthened spontaneous networks of aid: people distribute resources directly, without government or institutional intermediaries. These practical nuclei of self-management have the potential to expand into neighborhood committees for food, defense, and information, precisely what threatens any centralized state.

The movement now encompasses over 100 locations and involves at least 22 provinces. Focus on the outskirts and major cities, where the economic crisis has hit more directly:

Tehran: Practical occupation of the east and west (Narmak, Haft-Hoz, Nazi-Abad, Tehran-Pars, Nizam-Abad, Sadeghieh, Aryashar). Street-by-street clashes, barricades and resistance even in detention.

Ilam and the west: Malekshahi remains the hotbed of violence (numerous deaths and injuries, withdrawal of forces after resistance).

Shiraz/Fars: Universities, Neyriz (entry into government buildings), Kazerun.

Isfahan: Heavy clashes, capture of special forces and direct shooting at protesters.

Other areas: Karaj, Mashhad, Kermanshah, Yasuj, Hamedan, Tabriz, Qom, Zahedan, Urmia, Lorestan (Khoram-Abad), Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad.

Deliberate dispersion has paralyzed the regime: division of forces, high costs and inability to focus repression.

Analysis of these actions:

Direct action as the main strategy: burning bases/vehicles, collective defense of hospitals, and individual resistance (as in the cases of Izeh and Narmak) demonstrate practical intelligence. These tactics not only make the cost of repression unbearable, but also create alternative structures - horizontal aid networks that can extend to local administration without a state.

Double failure of regime control: physical (retreats, capture) and psychological (transformation of killing into more anger). The regime has lost the tool of fear; mourning and arrests, instead of silencing, fuel the movement.

Real risks of deviation and opportunities: Royalist slogans or the expectation of external intervention (Trump) can threaten horizontality, by creating the illusion of new leadership or salvation from outside. The current uprising is strong because it is direct and unmediated; any attempt to organize from above destroys local initiative. The main opportunity is the expansion of neighborhood committees for the distribution of resources and a sustainable defense, which could completely dismantle central control.
The horizon ahead: the regime is on full defense. Continued dispersion and direct action could lead to the sustainable occupation of neighborhoods and the complete paralysis of the economy/movement. This is a historical moment to reject any new power (state or otherwise) and to build real horizontal relations, not to reform, not to replace, but to destroy the logic of sovereignty.

The situation is very dynamic and rapidly evolving. This uprising proves that state power is always fragile in the face of direct action from below.

It goes without saying that the protests are entering their eighth day and are still ongoing in many areas.

Iran: Anarchist Front's Statement on the Hijacking of the Bread & Freedom Movement
From Anarchist Front
January 2, 2026

In a situation where Iranian society is engaged in a deep accumulation of structural crises, systematic repression, poverty, discrimination, and the collapse of social bonds, any protest call must inevitably be criticized and carefully evaluated in relation to the power, class interests, and position of its issuing forces.

From this perspective, the Anarchist Front declares its clear and unequivocal opposition to the call for Sunday protests issued by Imam Sadeq University.

Imam Sadeq University is not an independent student institution, but an organic part of the ideological and cadre-building mechanism of the government; an institution that, over the past four decades, has played an active role in producing and reproducing forces loyal to the power structure, theoretically legitimizing repression, and politically engineering society. Students who are raised in this context are not in the position of the oppressed, but in the position of those attached to the decision-making and exercise of power nuclei. The call issued from such a position is not an extension of social anger, but an attempt to manage, contain, and divert it.

We see this call as part of a project to expropriate the movement, a project that aims to take the protest out of the hands of its real forces – workers, teachers, pensioners, women, independent students and the marginalized – and turn it into a lever in the internal power struggles. In this way, the government’s fundamentalists try to repair their crisis of legitimacy with the gesture of “controlled protest”, while at the same time, the monarchists, riding the wave of discontent, seek to reconstruct another centralized and hierarchical authority, an authority that has nothing to do with liberation, freedom, and equality.

The Anarchist Front emphasizes:

The social movement is neither the property of ruling factions, nor the springboard for nostalgic authoritarian projects. Any attempt to direct the protest from above, whether with a turban or a crown, is an attempt against the movement itself. We do not believe in “reforming from within” power, nor in “salvation from above”; liberation can only come from horizontal, independent, autonomous, and bottom-up organizing.

Woman, life, freedom

Add new comment

The content of this field is kept private and will not be shown publicly.

Filtered HTML

  • Web page addresses and email addresses turn into links automatically.
  • Allowed HTML tags: <a href hreflang> <em> <strong> <cite> <code> <ul type> <ol start type> <li> <dl> <dt> <dd>
  • Lines and paragraphs break automatically.
CAPTCHA
f
m
%
y
&
K
v
E
Enter the code without spaces.
This question is for testing whether or not you are a human visitor and to prevent automated spam submissions.